Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 555: Political Intrigue

After capturing Ağva, the Russian army did not halt its advance. Instead, they headed straight for the Bosporus Strait, a critical gateway to the Black Sea.

They could have crossed directly from Constantinople a few decades ago, but not now. With the advancement in artillery technology, blocking the strait with coastal guns is far too easy.

The coalition forces had considered launching an offensive from the Sea of Marmara, but before the war broke out, the Ottomans had concentrated their entire navy there.

Austria had few warships remaining in the Sea of Marmara. While they could suppress the Ottoman navy, they couldn’t eliminate them entirely.

Facing an enemy hiding in the port, it was far more practical to attack from land, as engaging in a decisive naval battle would be too costly.

In the Ağva command center, Lieutenant General Kharosov, seeking redemption for his past mistakes, quietly reported, “Commander, the advance has met resistance. The enemy’s resistance is too fierce.

They’ve even resorted to the despicable tactic of disguising themselves as the elderly, women, and children, catching our troops off guard and launching surprise attacks. The frontline troops are progressing slowly and request support from the airship bombing squad.”

What he called “disguising as women, children, and the elderly” was clearly just actual women, children, and the elderly. The makeup techniques of this era weren’t that impressive, and physical differences couldn’t be concealed.

With the Ottoman government’s propaganda, the Russian army had been painted as man-eating demons. The population had been mobilized long ago, either voluntarily or by force, and these people were creating endless trouble for the Russians.

General Ivanov shot him a fierce glare, his displeasure evident, “Incompetent! Did our soldiers forget how to fight without the airship squad? Tell the frontline troops that the airship squad is not their nanny. They need to figure out how to fight their own battles.

Right now, the airship squad is executing strategic bombing missions, which are crucial to the overall war effort. They’re not here to clean up after them.”

The Austrian airship squad wasn’t that large. Even if they all deployed, it was just a small number of people. While carrying out strategic bombing, they simply couldn’t spare enough forces to support the Russian frontline.

Ivanov hadn’t risen to command by currying favor and he had solid strategic insight.

From the overall war situation, bombing Ottoman cities now to weaken the enemy’s war potential, destroying roads and bridges along the way to increase pressure on enemy logistics, was far more important than taking one or two defense lines.

If they focused solely on the immediate battlefield and charged forward recklessly, even with 1.5 million Russian troops, let alone 150,000, by the end, there wouldn’t be many left standing.

General Ivanov had high regard for Lieutenant General Kharosov, one of his subordinates. Otherwise, Kharosov would have already been sent home to retire after the incident at Ağva, rather than being allowed to stay and redeem himself.

Ivanov knew very well that this Near East War was seen by many as a golden opportunity to earn accolades. Among the 150,000 Russian troops, many officers had been placed there due to their connections.

The constant requests for support were mostly likely from these officers with connections. If the Austrian airship squad was under his command, Ivanov would be happy to do them a favor.

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Unfortunately, this time the two sides were commanding separately. Since the Russians insisted on launching an offensive at the Black Sea Strait, the Allied Command had effectively been reduced to a logistics and coordination committee.

Now, each side was fighting its own battle, with no real joint operations. Austria’s support was limited to logistics and providing transport ships for troop movements when necessary.

This command structure wasn’t a problem. The Austrian forces were fighting in the Middle East, while the Russians were struggling on the Anatolian Peninsula. With the two areas so far apart, coordinating a joint operation was simply not feasible.

The airship squad was out of the question. Due to the lack of communication, previous joint operations had resulted in friendly fire incidents, leading to heated disputes between the two sides.

After that, Admiral Aleister had essentially left the Russians to their own devices, pretending not to notice how they fought. The entire airship squad was sent on strategic bombing missions, far away from the front lines.

Distance makes the heart grow fonder. Without the airship squad’s support, the Russian army immediately missed the benefits of having air support. The airship squad might not be able to kill many enemies or destroy many fortifications, but it was very important in breaking the enemy’s morale.

Based on past experience, no matter how fiercely the Ottoman army resisted, a few bombs falling from the sky would immediately drop their morale by a notch.

Ivanov couldn’t admit that the Russian army was incapable of fighting without Austrian help, so he had no choice but to press on. Besides, the airship squad’s strategic bombings were beneficial to the entire battlefield.

Lieutenant General Kharosov explained, “Commander, sir, our casualties have indeed been significant recently. In the past two days alone, we’ve lost over a thousand men each day. Despite these heavy losses, we’re only advancing around ten kilometers daily. Including the casualties from the Ağva campaign, our total losses have already exceeded 8,000.

At the current pace, it will take at least a month to conquer the Bosporus Strait, and the casualties could reach tens of thousands. This exceeds what we can endure. The Bosporus Strait is just the beginning as it’s only a small step toward achieving the first phase of our strategic objectives.

If this situation doesn’t change, with our current forces, there’s no way we can win this war. Even if more troops are sent from home, there are still many issues to consider.”

When the enemy stops fighting desperately, the battle naturally becomes harder. In just over a week, the Russian army had achieved victories, defeating 58,000 enemy troops, eliminating 12,000, and capturing 836.

The low number of prisoners was due to the Ottoman government’s propaganda. Ottoman soldiers believed the Russian army would slaughter them all, so they naturally refused to surrender. The few prisoners captured were mostly from the earlier landing campaign. Since news of the massacre at Ağva spread, Ottoman soldiers had been much less willing to surrender.

As the enemy chose to fight to the death, Russian casualties inevitably rose. Currently, over 8,000 Russian troops have been lost, including more than 2,000 killed in action. Even with proper medical treatment, only half of the wounded would be able to return to the battlefield.

Ivanov shook his head, “I’m aware of all this, but it’s still not possible. The airship squad isn’t part of our army. Its command is in Austrian hands. The Allied Command is still in Constantinople, and they have no intention of moving. Even if we wanted to coordinate, we’d have to send someone back to Constantinople.

How much time would that take, back and forth? If we do this every time, how will we fight the rest of the war?

We have a clear agreement with Austria. Asking for help once or twice is one thing, but if we need their assistance for the entire war just to secure victory, it’s not that simple.

Between nations, it’s all about interests. No one will keep giving without expecting something in return. Each time we ask for help, it comes at a cost. These are benefits that should rightfully belong to the Russian Empire.”

When anything involves politics, it becomes complicated. Both sides have done their fair share of backstabbing among allies.

The awkward part is that the Austrians are more subtle about it, leaving no evidence out in the open, whereas the Russian government has been caught red-handed in many cases.

These open and covert struggles are unclear to the lower ranks, but Ivanov has seen it firsthand. For the sake of mutual interests, both sides have suppressed these conflicts.

However, the rift has already been planted. Today you scheme against me, and tomorrow I scheme against you. With each conflict, the relationship between the two countries grows a little colder.

When the Austrian government refused to renew the treaty, the Russian government didn’t jump out to accuse them. That’s because Austria had caught them out too many times, and they wouldn’t win a war of words.

As long as these issues stay hidden, everyone pretends things are fine. But once the lid is lifted, things will spiral out of control, and a direct conflict between the two nations will be inevitable.

This political scheming at the top has caused immense suffering for the soldiers below. Otherwise, even if the airship fleet were insufficient, couldn’t the Austrian government send reinforcements?

It’s hard to believe Austria has no airship reserves and only the 120 airships currently at the front.

It’s worth noting that the Austrian airship squad has existed for about ten years. Over such a long time, quite a few airships have naturally been retired. These airships haven’t been dismantled and sold for scrap but have been preserved.

As long as the Austrian government is willing, they can be put into use at any time. After all, the Ottomans have no anti-aircraft defenses. Even if the performance of the airships is a bit worse, using them to bomb the enemy shouldn’t be a big problem.

Changing the current situation isn’t impossible. If the Russian government were willing to lower its head or offer some compensation, a solution could be reached.

Unfortunately, that’s just wishful thinking. In this Near East War, the alliance between the two nations is purely based on shared interests. Since interests are involved, there is little room for compromise.

The Russian government certainly won’t relent over a few soldiers’ casualties, which they don’t even consider significant. How could they give in?

While the flames of war continue to rage on the front lines, where Russian soldiers charge forward and fight the Ottomans in brutal, bloody combat, things are not calm in Russia either. Ever since Poland’s parliament reconvened to elect a new king, the Russian government has been restless.

The facts are clear: in this election, William I doesn’t even have a strong competitor, and his victory is a foregone conclusion.

Once Poland and Prussia share the same monarch, the two countries will inevitably grow closer, and there is even a possibility they could merge into a single nation.

What is driving the two countries to unite is the Russian Empire. The existence of the Russian government has placed enormous pressure on the ruling classes of both Poland and Prussia. The leading figures in both nations understand that only by uniting can they have a fighting chance against the Russians.

This isn’t something any individual can stop. Previously, it was the interference of the great powers that prevented this from happening. After all, following the Russo-Prussian War, the Russian Empire was in a dire state, and the Russian government seemed on the verge of collapse at any moment.

Britain, France, and Austria had no interest in adding another player to the table to share the spoils, so they intervened in Poland’s royal election, swiftly sidelining William I. Not to be outdone, the Prussians supported the revolutionary movement in secret, ensuring the delay of the royal election by backing revolutionaries.

The long-unresolved Polish throne issue was the result of all parties intervening. But the situation has now changed. No one expected that after Alexander II’s reforms, the Russian Empire would recover so quickly.

Though it might not be as powerful as it was at its peak, Russia is still much stronger than Prussia and Poland combined. In terms of overall national strength, Russia is roughly double that of Prussia and Poland together.

The Prussian government’s actions are a response to being pushed into a corner. If they don’t annex the Kingdom of Poland, losing the next war is almost inevitable.

After Alexander II’s reforms, the Russian Empire became much more stable. With food in hand, there’s no panic in the heart. Even though they suffered during the agricultural crisis, this became an advantage in times of war.

As long as the Russian government can feed them, the common soldiers have fighting power. Trying to wear down the Russians? How laughable, the Russian government hasn’t even been pushed back to Moscow yet.

No matter how many battles are lost at the front, as long as the Russian government has enough food, it won’t collapse. During the agricultural crisis, Alexander II gritted his teeth and collected grain as tax, turning it into strategic reserves. This is the real reason the Russian government is teetering on the brink of bankruptcy.

Otherwise, after the tax reforms and clearing out so much corruption, even with large territorial losses, the Russian government’s revenue should have exceeded previous levels. How could it possibly be on the verge of bankruptcy?

After scanning the room, Alexander II asked, “What are your thoughts on William I stepping forward now to claim the Polish throne?”

Being the Tsar isn’t easy. Since ascending the throne, Alexander II has hardly had a single day of peace.

Due to a misjudgment, at the start of his reign, Alexander II focused on limiting Austria and overlooked the threat posed by the Kingdom of Prussia. This led to the current unfavorable situation, and there has been constant criticism from within ever since.

If it weren’t for Alexander II’s strong political skills, he would have been overthrown long ago. After all, the Russian Empire has seen tsars replaced before.

The previous example was Peter III, who was also ousted for his pro-Prussian stance. Alexander II clearly learned from this and decisively chose to confront Prussia. Despite losing the war, he managed to hold on to his throne.

In this regard, the Russian people are quite tolerant. Victory and defeat are common in war, and as long as the tsar can maintain control over the government and ensure that the lower classes are fed, they won’t rebel just because of a military defeat.

Foreign Minister Chris Basham stated, “Your Majesty, the timing of Prussia’s actions is closely tied to the current international situation.

With the death of Napoleon III, the French government is caught in a power struggle and, in the short term, is unable to engage in international affairs. As long as the Prussians are willing to pay a certain price, it won’t be hard to keep the French on the sidelines.

Given the cooling relations between Russia and Austria, the Austrian government might be considering supporting Prussia as to counteract against us. Even if that isn’t their intention now, it could be in the future.

Now, a large part of our and Austria’s energy is tied up in the Near East War. If Prussia is willing to pay a hefty price, the Austrian government might turn a blind eye to their actions.

Once Prussia has dealt with France and Austria, convincing the British won’t be difficult. Even if the British oppose it, they aren’t likely to send troops to intervene.

If France, Austria, and Britain don’t intervene, even if we send troops, the Prussians won’t back down, which would inevitably lead to a new war.

We aren’t ready for that yet. The Near East War has already drained some of our strength, and a war breaking out now would be highly unfavorable for us. The Prussians must have seized on this opportunity to act.”

With Chris Basham’s explanation, the situation became clear. While a solution exists, unfortunately, the decision isn’t in the hands of the Russian government.

If France and Austria don’t intervene, Russia alone cannot intimidate the Prussians. Since they are already enemies, the Prussian government won’t care about Russia’s stance.